China has long been treated as an important country on the international stage due to its vast territory, resources, and large population. Since Deng Xiaoping began market-oriented economic reforms in 1978, the country has made rapid progress and has emerged as an increasingly important country on the global stage, beyond the Asian region. However, predictions and prospects for China's rise differ among scholars. Some believe that China's respect for collective security and the constant changes in its socialist system will enable it to continue to develop in all areas through cooperation with Western countries, including the United States, and that the high growth of the Chinese economy may bring about chaos.In particular, the China Threat Theory and the Rise of China Theory have emerged, which claim that China will seek hegemony in East Asia after the Tiananmen Square incident on June 4, 1989, and will come into direct conflict with the existing hegemonic powers. The theoretical basis of the China threat theory is based on the assumption that the influence of the United States in the international order will gradually decrease in the post-Cold War era, and that the role and influence of China will increase instead. The China threat theory is a logic formed by the complex factors of China's domestic and international situations in the early 1990s, and it stems from China's ambition to fill the power vacuum created by the decline of the influence of the United States and Russia in East Asia and concerns about the possibility of resolving the anxiety about maintaining the system following the fall of socialism through provocative behavior toward the outside world. In fact, China's claim to sovereignty over the Nansha Islands in the early 1990s, along with its firm resolve to use force over Taiwan and Tibet on the grounds of sovereignty issues, was seen as increasing the likelihood of military conflict. Domestically, as the military's influence increased following the Tiananmen Square protests, it was also expected that the military's hardline stance would be reflected in foreign policy. Moreover, the rapid increase in defense spending since 1989 and the acceleration of the acquisition of state-of-the-art weapons have provided further evidence to strengthen China's threat narrative. On the other hand, the Chinese hegemony theory is related to the Chinese threat theory, but it predicts that China will pursue regional hegemony in the 21st century as it seeks to become an economic and military superpower. This logic is based on the hypothesis that economically powerful China will become a military superpower and, coupled with its intention to regain its past glory, will exercise hegemony and destroy the world's peace order. The Chinese hegemony theory is divided into the arguments of the Realists and the arguments of the Liberals. The former argues that the newly emerging China should be checked and contained, while the latter believes that China will pursue regime security with economic development as its top national goal. Discussions about Chinese hegemony cannot be had with countries other than the United States, which is one of the pillars of the hegemonic competition. In other words, this is because political, structural, and cognitive factors such as changes in the times and circumstances, the strategic needs of the United States, differences in systems, differences in historical interpretation, and predictions of the future are at play. However, John Mearsheimer raised the following points in terms of realism, historicism, and liberalism.
First, in terms of realism, the conflict between the United States and China over hegemony is seen as inevitable. This is based on the realist view that the international community is in a state of anarchy, and if China continues to develop its economy at the current level, it will grow into a power that is comparable to the United States (a peer competitor), and the possibility of a serious security competition, including a war with the United States, cannot be ruled out. In international relations, the superpowers ultimately maximize their power and do not tolerate the emergence of competitors. However, it is difficult for a single country to emerge as a hegemonic power that dominates the entire world, but it is possible to at least occupy a dominant position within a region. There are also empirical examples of how realism fails to prevent conflicts between countries due to economic factors. In the case of Germany before World War I and Japan and Germany on the eve of World War II, economic development and mutual economic interde pendence with neighboring countries increased, but the outbreak of war was not prevented. In terms of the theory of power transition based on this realism, we can also predict the future conflict between the United States and China. Emerging powers seek to demonstrate their power and the rules and institutions that serve their interests through action, while established powers feel threatened by the loss of power and security. The period when such a power shift takes place is a period of instability, which increases the likelihood of various forms of armed conflict, including war. If we look at the current relationship between the US and China from the perspective of the theory of power competition, China's continued economic growth could lead to the two countries entering a serious security competition, including the possibility of war and armed conflict, when China reaches a level of economic growth that is on par with the US. Therefore, if China becomes economically equal to the United States and its military power is enhanced, it is likely to seek regional hegemony in Asia, unlike the current situation.

Third, in terms of liberalism, they do not believe that China's hegemony will lead to a conflict with the United States, and they have presented the following reasons for this. The first is the view that emphasizes economic factors. If China wants to continue its economic growth, it will seek cooperation through a prudent foreign policy rather than a military confrontation with the United States, and it will avoid extreme choices in order to achieve its ultimate goal of cross-strait reunification with Taiwan and become a peaceful member of the international community. Second, in the international system, cooperation will be chosen over conflict based on cooperationism. This is a claim based on the tradition of idealism, which contrasts with the realist view of the international system as being in anarchy. Unlike the international system of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, which gave rise to the theory of power transition, the international system that China is facing today is characterized by openness, integration, and normative principles. In particular, it emphasizes the possibility and permanence of cooperation in the international system because it is based on the view that it is no longer possible for a great power to cause a full-scale armed conflict due to the emergence of nuclear weapons. Therefore, the United States and the West will be able to manage international disputes by cooperating with each other and sharing responsibilities rather than by confronting China. The third is the eclectic view. This is a perspective that views the relationship with the U.S. and China from the perspective of realism, and believes that the U.S. system of superpower will continue and that the relationship with China will be managed stably. This eclecticism is premised on the view that the United States' capabilities will not be weakened or that China's pursuit of hegemony will not reach a level that will challenge the United States. This means that the United States will not decline in relative or absolute terms for the foreseeable future. Today, the United States controls the four oceans and maintains its ability to launch air strikes against any country in the world using its powerful air force. Therefore, it is impossible for any force to emerge that can compete with the U.S. Navy and Air Force at the moment. The United States will be able to continue to secure the sea lanes necessary for the movement of resources from its allies and friendly nations, and will be able to maintain its overwhelming strategic nuclear capabilities to maximize the radius of its military operations.
There are various academic claims about China's hegemony, but realists see China's rise as a threat and believe that it will inevitably compete with the United States to maintain the balance of power. On the other hand, liberals see China's rise as an economic opportunity and expect it to maintain a cooperative relationship with the United States. However, looking at China's various behaviors at present, it can be interpreted as seeking hegemony in the region by reducing the influence of the United States in Asia. Therefore, while Korea is making every effort to modernize its military capabilities through continued internal and external stability and economic growth, it needs to keep a close eye on China's actions and prepare for national survival. It is said that China does not aim for hegemony, but it is already in the ranks of the strongest countries that surpass South Korea in terms of politics, economy, and military. China's goal of becoming a military power is perhaps understandable, but there are still questions as to whether it is truly for the sake of peace in Northeast Asia.

Second, from a historical perspective, China is likely to follow the footsteps of the United States as a regional hegemon. Just as the United States does not dominate the countries in the Americas but exerts influence, China can also emerge as a dominant power by maximizing the difference in national power over the countries in Northeast Asia and exert influence over neighboring countries. If China does this, the United States will not tolerate this form of behavior and will further restrain and block it.